El miércoles 4 de enero el ministro de Justicia y Derechos Humanos, Germán Garavano, anunció que desde el gobierno se buscará impulsar una reforma del régimen penal juvenil para la bajar la ley de punibilidad a los 14 años. La medida continúa así con el accionar represivo que Cambiemos ha instaurado durante el primer año de mandato. En un contexto electoral, la baja de imputabilidad aparece como una falsa promesa de seguridad que criminaliza a los jóvenes de los sectores más vulnerables.
De acuerdo al ministro de Justicia y Derechos Humanos, Germán Garavano, la convocatoria para la confección de un anteproyecto que reforme el régimen penal juvenil será una de las primeras medidas que tomará Mauricio Macri cuando regrese de sus vacaciones. Como sucedió ya en reiteradas ocasiones, el debate en torno a la imputabilidad se promete como una bandera de campaña en el próximo año electoral. Tomó relevancia luego de un hecho que contó con amplia visibilidad mediática, como fue el asesinato de Brian Aguianco, que devino en la toma de la comisaría 38 del barrio de Flores.
En línea con el recrudecimiento de las políticas represivas mantenidas durante el primer año de gobierno de Mauricio Macri, la edad de punibilidad llega una vez más a la agenda política como una supuesta solución al renombrado problema de la inseguridad. Luego de los recortes presupuestarios que han desarticulado programas inclusivos a lo largo del 2016, el próximo paso parece ser “mano dura” y “tolerancia cero” para los chicos. No parece estar en discusión, sin embargo, el papel de las fuerzas de seguridad, que obligan a los más jóvenes a delinquir, que se encuentran detrás del narcotráfico, las redes de trata y explotación sexual y que ejecutan a los menores en cárceles y comisarías.
Luego de los recortes presupuestarios que han desarticulado programas inclusivos a lo largo del 2016, el próximo paso parece ser “mano dura” y “tolerancia cero” para los chicos. No parece estar en discusión, sin embargo, el papel de las fuerzas de seguridad, que obligan a los más jóvenes a delinquir, que se encuentran detrás del narcotráfico, las redes de trata y explotación sexual y que ejecutan a los menores en cárceles y comisarías.
Según la Coordinadora contra la Represión Policial e Institucional (CORREPI), en Argentina, una persona muere cada 25 horas debido a la represión estatal, lo que, de acuerdo a las estadísticas, marca un triste récord luego de 30 años de democracia. En poco más de un año desde su asunción, el gobierno de Mauricio Macri carga con 267 muertes en manos de las fuerzas policiales del Estado. El informe de CORREPI afirma también que más del 90% de las víctimas de tortura o gatillo fácil son jóvenes pobres y que “casi la totalidad de las muertes en comisarías corresponde a personas que no estaban detenidas por acusaciones penales, sino arbitrariamente detenidas”.
Los datos manifiestan un contexto de creciente violencia institucional, sostenido sobre un sistema penal discriminatorio y estigmatizante en el que las fuerzas represivas persiguen y utilizan a los jóvenes de los sectores populares. Ese fue el caso de Luciano Arruga, desaparecido y asesinado por la policía bonaerense en La Matanza en 2009, luego de negarse a robar para ella en una zona liberada. O también el de Iván y Ezequiel, detenidos por la Policía Federal en Villa Zavaleta en octubre de 2016 y torturados durante horas. Como ellos, cientos de jóvenes son atacados por las fuerzas de seguridad que cometen abusos brutales amparados en los procedimientos formales de “averiguación de identidad”.
Los datos manifiestan un contexto de creciente violencia institucional, sostenido sobre un sistema penal discriminatorio y estigmatizante en el que las fuerzas represivas persiguen y utilizan a los jóvenes de los sectores populares. Ese fue el caso de Luciano Arruga, desaparecido y asesinado por la policía bonaerense en La Matanza en 2009, luego de negarse a robar para ella en una zona liberada.
Lo que la reforma del régimen penal silencia es que, en realidad, la pobreza siempre es criminalizada. Los chicos menores de 16 años que no son alcanzados por la ley terminan, sin embargo, en institutos de menores en donde se violan sus derechos y los controles, la contención y el tratamiento psicológico y terapéutico son inexistentes. Muchos de ellos son internados por “razones asistenciales”, en supuestos lugares de “protección”, en donde no se contemplan políticas de reinserción que puedan revertir su situación al salir. En este sentido, la baja de imputabilidad refuerza las herramientas legales para ampliar las detenciones y con ellas la multiplicación de la violencia.
Ya en el 2015, un relevamiento nacional elaborado por Unicef y la Secretaría de Adolescencia, Niñez y Familia (SENAF), registraba en todo el país 3908 jóvenes privados de su libertad. El 89,5%, de entre 16 y 17 años, se encontraba al momento del informe detenido por “medidas tutelares”, sin una condena. Esto demuestra las irregularidades de un sistema amparado por un marco normativo que proviene de la dictadura, que otorga facultades extraordinarias a los jueces para disponer de la libertad de los niños y adolescentes por tiempo indeterminado. Sin embargo, en lugar de contemplar los derechos de los más chicos, el debate gira una vez más, en torno a la baja de imputabilidad.
Mientras que los recortes del presupuesto en ciencia y educación pública desarticulan áreas fundamentales para el desarrollo, el gobierno decide invertir, por el contrario, en políticas represivas que continúan profundizando la desigualdad.
Mientras que los recortes del presupuesto en ciencia y educación pública desarticulan áreas fundamentales para el desarrollo, el gobierno decide invertir, por el contrario, en políticas represivas que continúan profundizando la desigualdad. La baja de imputabilidad engrosaría así las estadísticas de detenidos para mostrar los aparentes resultados de un “combate” contra la inseguridad, que en realidad esconde la ausencia del Estado y la inexistencia de políticas inclusivas que protejan y fomenten los derechos de los más chicos.
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